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MessaggioInviato: mer gen 23, 2019 9:22 am 
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Iscritto il: ven apr 28, 2006 6:03 pm
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Nel mondo dell'automotive la vicenda Ghosn è stata osservata come il crollo di un titano. Da salvatore di Renault (era coo di Schweitzer nei primi anni 90) a eroe di Nissan, da primo sostenitore della rivoluzione elettrica a creatore del primo costruttore mondiale grazie allo sbarco in Mitsubishi.
Ha perso tutte le cariche e scampare alla condanna sara' quasi impossibile, dato che Nissan ha molti appoggi governativi


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MessaggioInviato: gio gen 24, 2019 8:07 pm 
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https://www.quattroruote.it/news/indust ... sioni.html

Oggi Renault ha formalizzato la nomina di Senard a presidente del gruppo e la conferma di Bolloré ad Ad del gruppo. Ghosn ha abbandonato tutte le cariche. Nissan ha annunciato un’assemblea straordinaria per la sostituzione di Ghosn e Kelly. Renault ha indicato che intende nominare il nuovo presidente di Nissan, andando chiaramente contro i desiderata dei giapponesi. Mesi ancora difficili per l’alleanza ma almeno qualcosa si muove.


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MessaggioInviato: lun gen 28, 2019 9:38 am 
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Segnali contrastanti dal fronte Renault-Nissan, dopo la nomina del duo Bollore´-Sedard Nissan ha accettato di convocare l´assemblea degli azionisti. Saikawa si e´detto pronto alle dimissioni dopo la riorganizzazione della governance. Lo stato francese vuole imporre Sedard come presidente di Nissan, quindi lasciando poca liberta´al management giapponese. Inoltre Parigi vuole riprendere il discorso sulla fusione tra i 2 gruppi, tasto dolentissimo per Nissan.
Tocca a Sedard trovare il giusto compromesso con i giapponesi.


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MessaggioInviato: mer gen 30, 2019 8:07 pm 
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Former Nissan, Renault and Mitsubishi boss Carlos Ghosn says that charges of financial misconduct brought against him are the result of a “plot” by Nissan executives to stop him further integrating the three alliance partners.

Ghosn was arrested in Japan last November on a string of financial misconduct charges relating to his former role as Nissan chairman, including claims he under-reported his salary and transferred personal financial losses from foreign exchange contracts to Nissan. He has since been dismissed as chairman of both Nissan and Mitsubishi, and recently stood down from his chairman and CEO roles at Renault.

The 64-year-old remains in detention in Japan after judges decided he could be a flight risk, but was allowed to speak to Japanese media firm Nikkei for 20 minutes. In the interview, he said he has “no doubt” the charges against him – which Nissan says result from a whistleblower operation – were due to “plot and treason” by Nissan executives opposed to plans he was developing to further integrate Renault, Nissan and Mitsubishi.

Ghosn said that "there was a plan" to integrate the three alliance partners more closely, creating “autonomy under one holding company,” which he discussed with Nissan president Hiroto Saikawa last September. Ghosn added that he had wanted to involve Mutsubishi CEO Osamu Masko in the talks, but Saikawa demanded a one-on-one meeting.

Responding to accusations that he effectively ran Nissan as a ‘dictatorship’ during his 19 years as chairman, Ghosn told Nikkei: “People translated strong leadership to dictator, to distort reality.”

Ghosn responded to some of the specific charges laid against him. He said that Nissan’s legal department had signed off on the purchase of luxury properties for him in Brazil and Lebanon – which Nissan claims were paid for improperly.

Japanese prosecutors are also investigating Ghosn for using Nissan funds to make payments to Saudi businessman Khaled Juffali in return for a letter of credit to help with his personal investment losses. Ghosn said the Nissan executive in charge of the Middle East region has signed off on the payments, which he said came from a “CEO reserve” pot of money he was free to decide how to spend.

Ghosn also denied that he was a flight risk if released on bail, saying: “I won’t flee, I will defend.”

Ghosn ha potuto per la prima volta rilasciare un’intervista al giornale giapponese HK, l’ ex manager ha sostenuto di essere vittima di un colpo di mano della dirigenza Nissan che voleva bloccare la fusione con Renault. E’ probabile che Ghosn rimarrà in carcere fino all’ inizio del processo cioè tra circa 6 mesi.


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MessaggioInviato: sab feb 02, 2019 9:13 am 
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One morning last November, several hundred businesspeople filed into an auditorium on the third floor of a skyscraper in Tokyo’s financial district. The occasion was a forum marking the centenary of the French Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Japan. Among the keynote speakers was an exemplar of the two countries’ warm relationship: Hiroto Saikawa, the chief executive officer of Nissan Motor Co. and a linchpin of its almost 20-year alliance with France’s Renault SA.
In his address, Saikawa extolled the partnership, a confection of cross-shareholdings and joint production whose durability had consistently surprised skeptics. “The alliance allowed us to compete with our major rivals,” said Saikawa, who’s 65, thin, and fairly tall, with a mostly unlined face and cheeks lightly mottled by freckles. He wore rimless glasses, a purple tie, and a dark navy suit with a gold pin in the shape of Nissan’s all-caps logo at the left lapel. Rarely one for elegant rhetoric, he instead boasted of Renault-Nissan’s accomplishments: combined operations that had generated billions in savings, a strong position in electric vehicles, more than 10 million cars sold in 2017.
To those present, the speech was unremarkable, even boring. But as he spoke, Saikawa was harboring a secret known only to a tiny number of Nissan managers and a team of prosecutors in the Special Investigations Unit, an elite arm of Japanese law enforcement. En route to Tokyo at that moment, aboard a Gulfstream G650 with the registration number N155AN, was Carlos Ghosn, the charismatic executive who’d engineered the Renault-Nissan alliance and now served as chairman of both companies. He’d be landing at Haneda airport in less than six hours, prepared for a busy week: a board meeting, discussions with important Japanese officials, then a trip to China. Saikawa knew none of that would take place.
relates to Inside the Takedown That Put Carlos Ghosn in Jail
ILLUSTRATION: WOSHIBAI FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
When the plane touched down, at about 3:30 p.m. that Monday, Nov. 19, Ghosn prepared to hand over his passport for inspection, a procedure performed hundreds of times since he’d arrived at Nissan in 1999. This time, though, a group of black-suited prosecutors filed up the jet’s stairs to tell Ghosn he was being arrested for violating Japanese financial law. Furious and confused, he refused at first to surrender, according to two people familiar with the events, demanding to know the charges and the evidence behind them. A lengthy argument followed, but it eventually became clear the men weren’t making a request. More than an hour after they boarded, Ghosn agreed to go.

As Ghosn was debating the prosecutors, another member of Nissan’s board, a dour American lawyer named Greg Kelly, was in a car heading into town from Tokyo’s other airport, Narita. He’d just landed on another company plane, scheduled by Nissan to coincide with Ghosn’s arrival. The plan was to surprise Kelly, who’d run Ghosn’s office before shifting to an advisory role, at his hotel in central Tokyo, bringing him into custody almost simultaneously with Ghosn in case one of them tried to warn the other, destroy documents, or flee. Traffic, according to three people familiar with the matter, intervened. As the risk grew that Kelly would learn of Ghosn’s detention, word went out to the team of prosecutors tailing behind: Pull him over. Kelly was soon arrested at a highway rest stop.
That night, Ghosn and Kelly slept in bare cells at the Tokyo Detention House, a place no executive of Ghosn’s stature had ever been held. Kelly was released on bail, but Ghosn remains confined there more than two months later, with little prospect of release. He’s been indicted for concealing his true compensation in regulatory filings by deferring as much as $80 million of pay to his retirement, and of a more serious “breach of trust” offense stemming from a 2008 decision to move personal trading losses temporarily onto Nissan’s books. The charges carry decade-long prison terms, and Ghosn, who’s 64, is fighting them in a country where prosecutors boast a conviction rate, rounded to the nearest integer, of 100 percent. Meanwhile Nissan, which fired Ghosn as chairman almost immediately after his arrest, has accused him of a wide range of further misconduct, essentially claiming he used the company as a personal piggy bank. He vehemently denies all the allegations. Kelly, who’s been charged in the deferred-compensation case, does as well.
current_1650x2200-bizweek_cover-ghosn
Featured in Bloomberg Businessweek, Feb. 4, 2019. Subscribe now.PHOTOGRAPHER: EUGENE HOSHIKO/AP PHOTO
Ghosn’s descent is the most vertiginous in the recent history of global business; during an age when corporate scandals often end with a CEO enjoying a generous severance and a lucrative second or third act, the prospect of a top executive facing incarceration is genuinely shocking. Yet while Ghosn (whose name rhymes with “lone”) may have exceeded the boundaries of acceptable corporate behavior, it’s increasingly clear that his downfall had multiple authors. The arrests were the culmination of a torrid power struggle at Nissan, one with far dearer stakes than Ghosn could have known. Riding on the outcome, in addition to his personal position, were the future of the unprecedented partnership between two of the world’s largest automotive companies and a principle the Brazilian-French-Lebanese executive viewed as sacred: that in a global economy, the bigger-is-better logic of 21st century capitalism supersedes national differences.
In a statement, Nissan said that “the cause of this chain of events is the misconduct led by Ghosn and Kelly,” for which the company found “substantial and convincing evidence” after investigating a whistleblower’s report. Nissan’s focus, it said, “is firmly on addressing the weaknesses in governance that allowed this misconduct to happen.”
Barred until recently from speaking with anyone except consular officials and his lawyers, Ghosn has appeared in public only once since his arrest, at a brief January court hearing where he asserted his innocence. Even his allies don’t know entirely what to make of the allegations against him. But to some of them, his situation looks like more than the comeuppance of an executive who flew his Gulfstream too close to the sun. It looks like a palace coup.
Ghosn and Saikawa’s partnership dates to 2001, two years into a corporate alliance struck when Renault rescued Nissan from the edge of bankruptcy by paying $5.3 billion for about a third of its shares. Installed as Nissan’s chief operating officer with a mandate to ruthlessly cut costs, much as he’d done at Renault, Ghosn chose Saikawa to head a new office that would coordinate purchasing between the two. A Nissan lifer who’d joined the company straight out of university in 1977, Saikawa recounted in an interview with Bloomberg News that he was surprised to be tapped for such a critical function. Nissan was a financial mess, and he’d expected to take direction from French executives rather than the reverse. He began shuttling between Tokyo and Paris, keeping an office at Renault’s headquarters. His colleagues joked, one recalls, that he’d received a transfusion of (tricolor) blue blood.
Supplies and components purchased from third parties can account for more than half of a car’s manufacturing cost. Saikawa’s job was to squeeze better deals out of vendors, including by severing many of Nissan’s ties to its keiretsu, a uniquely Japanese grouping of suppliers that receives preferential access to contracts. He excelled at the task. Brusque, demanding, and seemingly incapable of talking about anything other than business, he worked long hours even by Japanese standards and made few friends, according to several former Nissan executives. During a stint overseeing Nissan’s North American operations, he was seldom seen anywhere but the office he used in Nashville or a nearby conference room; slapping backs on the local factory floor, the sort of thing Ghosn delighted in doing, was practically out of the question.
How Ghosn Built an Empire
His ascent began in 1996 when, as ­Renault’s executive vice president, he started implementing the equivalent of €3 billion in cost cuts. They helped turn the carmaker profitable again and earned him the nickname “Le Cost Killer.” Ghosn then embarked on a decades-long mission to make the company more global. —Ma Jie and Frank Connelly

The Renault-Nissan relationship evolved in a direction that might charitably be described as awkward. The companies officially came to share engineering resources, but current and former Nissan staffers say French and Japanese teams often worked together uneasily, disagreeing about technical standards and which technologies to prioritize. Obvious opportunities for collaboration were missed as each company stuck to its own plans—to this day, for example, Nissan’s flagship Leaf electric vehicle and Renault’s comparable Zoe share no major components. Yet the financial and strategic overhaul Ghosn imposed gradually restored Nissan to health, if never quite to the point of challenging Toyota Motor Corp. as Japan’s top automaker.
Nissan could be a hard-edged place to work, marked by intense rivalries and pressure to hit numerical targets. One former executive jokes that his time there reminded him of The Firm, the Tom Cruise movie about a law office where professional ambitions reach murderous extremes. The ultimate currency was Ghosn’s confidence, which Saikawa certainly enjoyed. One of a small corps of executives referred to internally as the “Ghosn children,” he was promoted repeatedly, eventually to chief competitive officer, with responsibility for research and development, manufacturing, and a slew of other functions. When, in early 2017, Ghosn announced that he would step down as Nissan CEO to concentrate on running Renault and the broader alliance, Saikawa took his place. “Saikawa-san is somebody I have been grooming for many years,” he said.
As Saikawa settled into the job, however, the tone of their relationship changed. His early tenure was dominated by revelations that for more than three decades, some Nissan cars had been inspected by auditors who weren’t properly certified. More than a million vehicles had to be recalled, and the company took the unprecedented step of shutting down its Japanese production for two weeks to investigate. Although Saikawa had been in the job less than a year, he absorbed the blame, performing the ritual apologies expected of dishonored Japanese bosses. He also took a voluntary pay cut, shrinking a compensation package that was already a small fraction of Ghosn’s. Ghosn, who’d actually been in charge for much of the period at issue, never formally apologized and even, according to a person with knowledge of the matter, chided Saikawa for moving too slowly to address criticism and implement an action plan.

Over the following months, Ghosn began planning an overhaul of Renault and Nissan’s ties that might have brought the two companies under a single corporate parent or into an outright merger, according to half a dozen people familiar with the ensuing discussions. (They, like other sources interviewed for this story, requested anonymity while discussing sensitive information.) As a larger, more integrated company, the thinking went, Renault-Nissan would be better positioned to pursue emerging technologies such as autonomous vehicles. It would also possess what investment bankers call “deal currency”—shares valuable enough to parlay into a major acquisition should another big carmaker become available. The French government, Renault’s largest shareholder, had made its preference for a tighter alliance clear, seeing an opportunity for the company to become the core of a global industrial giant.
Saikawa hated the idea, arguing internally that Nissan should remain independent or be the dominant force in any deeper union. He was particularly concerned with ensuring that Nissan’s electric vehicle technology wouldn’t be cannibalized to benefit Renault, the smaller and less profitable partner. In late April, Saikawa made his objections public, telling the business newspaper Nikkei that he saw “no merit” in combining Nissan and Renault.
Ghosn was livid. The next time he saw Saikawa at Nissan’s headquarters just outside Tokyo, he dressed his successor down, telling him he’d damaged the company’s credibility, and his own, by questioning the plan, according to a person familiar with the exchange. He also suggested to Saikawa that his days as CEO could be numbered. The conversation wasn’t an isolated incident—the same source says Ghosn had criticized Saikawa for weak performance in the U.S., where Nissan is badly lagging rivals. And at one point, according to a person close to Ghosn’s family, he told his children Saikawa had only until the end of 2018 to turn things around. (In its statement, Nissan said suggestions that Ghosn and Saikawa were divided, whether over the inspections crisis, a potential merger, or Nissan’s performance, are based on “unsubstantiated speculation and hearsay,” and that claims Saikawa’s job was at risk are “baseless.”)
Ghosn enjoyed a significant advantage in both pay and power. He was still Nissan’s chairman, in addition to being Renault’s CEO and chair, and chair of the Amsterdam-based entity that oversees the alliance. Under a structure that’s changed little since the 1999 rescue, Renault also controlled 43 percent of Nissan’s shares, giving it the power to veto major decisions. Regardless of Saikawa’s position, Ghosn could probably make deeper integration happen.
In the months before his arrest, people familiar with the discussions said, tentative plans were made to announce the new structure and a leadership team as soon as early 2019. Ghosn, whose Renault contract had been extended to 2022, would be at the top. Saikawa was at risk of being cast aside, and of seeing the company to which he’d devoted his entire career subsumed into a global conglomerate.
Ghosn’s life has been defined by a cosmopolitanism extreme even among the international business class. He has three passports, speaks four languages, and, until his recent change in circumstances, split time among five or more cities. But while he might be a caricature of the borderless Davos Man, he is by all accounts a true believer in the values of the often mocked Swiss economic forum. Understandably so—a man born in remote western Brazil, raised in Beirut, educated in Paris, and entrusted with an iconic company in insular Japan can be forgiven for assuming that national boundaries no longer bind global commerce.
When Ghosn landed in Tokyo to take charge of Nissan, his prior experience of Japan consisted of brief visits. The Japanese press compared his arrival in 1999 to that of the kurofune, or black ships—the American gunboats that forced the country open to trade in the 19th century. As his efforts at Nissan took hold, he became a living rebuttal to the notion that Japan couldn’t again participate fully in a new global era. His proudest accomplishments included deals to incorporate China’s Dongfeng Motor Co. and AvtoVAZ PJSC of Russia, hulking relics of communist central planning that became modern and well-organized components of the larger alliance.
The longer Ghosn spent traversing the globe, the more fully he inhabited his Davos Man character. In the early 2000s he got Lasik surgery and ditched his Coke-bottle glasses. He bought sharper suits and flattened his already unplaceable accent; his thinning hair became bushy and jet black. Remarkably, he never bothered to learn more than basic Japanese, but he seemed beloved in Tokyo anyway, stopped on the street for photos and courted by politicians looking to inject their campaigns with modern flair.
For all that, Ghosn was well and variously compensated. He had at least three salaries: in 2017 about $6.5 million from Nissan, $8.4 million from Renault, and $2 million from Mitsubishi Motors Corp., the troubled Japanese automaker that’s also now part of the alliance. Nissan and Mitsubishi say Ghosn received an additional $8.9 million from a Dutch joint venture, Nissan-Mitsubishi BV, without approval from either company.
It was over compensation that his troubles began. Relative to U.S. standards, Japanese and French corporate bosses are modestly paid. But Ghosn handled discussions of pay with his habitual combativeness, vigorously rebutting his critics. Often he had help from his steadfast ally Kelly, who commissioned annual tables from a respected consulting firm to demonstrate that Ghosn made less than his counterparts at automakers such as Ford Motor Co. and General Motors Co. That wasn’t quite the full picture, though. Japanese companies generally provide homes for their senior executives, and for Ghosn, Nissan provided five—in Paris, Tokyo, and Amsterdam, but also in Beirut and Rio de Janeiro, where he had negligible business ties but extensive personal ones.
Last spring, a person with direct knowledge of the events says, Hari Nada, who’d taken over managing many of Ghosn’s affairs from Kelly, began to question the propriety of the housing arrangements. Nada declined interview requests, and it’s unclear what motivated his concerns. A personable Malaysian-born lawyer, he’d worked at Nissan since the 1990s and had long been loyal to Ghosn and Kelly. He and Kelly were friends, part of a clique of senior expatriates who met frequently at Charcoal Grill Green, a burgers-and-beer bar near Nissan’s headquarters. Nada had also been intimately involved with many aspects of the chairman’s compensation. For instance, he was one of three administrators of Zi-A Capital BV, a Dutch subsidiary of Nissan created by Kelly in 2010; it purchased Ghosn’s Beirut house two years later for $8.8 million, then spent $6 million renovating it with opulent touches, including two chandeliers totaling $74,000.

Nada was also aware of documents proposing that payments totaling as much as $80 million be made to Ghosn after his eventual retirement—some related to noncompete agreements, others in advisory fees. He approached a colleague for advice on what he presented as an ethical dilemma: whether he’d abetted improper behavior, and if so what to do about it. The colleague told Nada that what he described seemed questionable and agreed to help him look into it. Nada also got another member of Ghosn’s staff, an administrator named Toshiaki Onuma, to assist with what soon became an investigation.
The group learned that Nissan’s auditors had been curious about Zi-A for more than a year and had at one point sent someone to the Netherlands to try, unsuccessfully, to learn more about it. After comparing findings, they and the auditors began working together, interviewing company staffers and pulling documents. Keeping the group’s efforts from Ghosn wasn’t particularly difficult. He rarely traveled to Japan more than once a month and was increasingly focused on the alliance and Renault, which received no word of the investigation.
When the men became concerned that some of what they found verged on criminal, they consulted with former prosecutors then working in private practice. With Nada and Onuma’s approval, those lawyers passed the information to former colleagues at the Special Investigations Unit, who by August had opened a criminal probe. Given Nada and Onuma’s involvement in Ghosn’s compensation arrangements (Onuma was also a Zi-A administrator), they too risked becoming subjects of interest in the inquiry. Happily for them, Japan had recently introduced its first-ever rules allowing plea bargains; according to local media, both men secured deals in exchange for providing evidence against Ghosn.
Meanwhile, Nada, Onuma, and a Nissan auditor named Hidetoshi Imazu worked on a formal report for Saikawa, laying out what they viewed as extensive misconduct. They presented it in October. Nissan officials say Saikawa knew nothing of the investigation before he received the document—which would mean that Nada and Onuma, moderately senior managers in a hierarchical Japanese company, had taken the decision largely on their own to report Ghosn and Kelly to prosecutors, a step almost certain to plunge Nissan into crisis.
Saikawa might not have been completely in the dark, however. According to two people with direct knowledge of the matter, in August he informed the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, which keeps a close eye on marquee Japanese companies, that Nissan was likely to face a serious problem later in the year. In its statement, Nissan said Saikawa was “entirely unaware” of the investigation in August and that he communicates regularly with the ministry—including about the ongoing matter of vehicle inspections, for which the company announced an additional recall in December.
Whenever it was that Saikawa learned of the probe, he made no effort to protect his former mentor. A person with direct knowledge of the investigation says Saikawa quickly agreed to cooperate with prosecutors, right down to helping organize the intricate operation to arrest his chairman and another member of the board. He and Nada knew Ghosn’s next trip was scheduled for Nov. 19, and their teams kept in regular contact about his plans to avoid creating the impression anything was amiss. Getting Kelly to Japan on the same day was more complicated. Semiretired, splitting his time between Nashville and Florida, and preparing for surgery to address painful spinal stenosis, he’d planned to join a late-November board meeting by videoconference. But Nada insisted that he be there in person. Nada also made the unusual offer to let Kelly use one of Nissan’s private jets, assuring him he’d be home well in advance of his operation. Kelly agreed to make the trip.
A few hours after the arrests, Saikawa summoned reporters to Nissan headquarters for a press conference in the same room where he’d taken the blame for the inspections scandal a year earlier. This time there were no ritual bows of apology. Instead, Saikawa unloaded on his former ally. “We can only say that the incident that has been discovered is the dark side of Ghosn’s long reign,” he said. Three days later, Nissan’s board voted unanimously to remove its chairman.
relates to Inside the Takedown That Put Carlos Ghosn in Jail
ILLUSTRATION: WOSHIBAI FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
The Tokyo House of Detention could pass for a hospital or suburban office campus. There’s no barbed wire; the external fences might otherwise surround a soccer field. Unarmed guards walk lazy circuits of the perimeter, passing within a few steps of the parking lot for an apartment complex next door. Many of the cars are Nissans.
The term “Kafkaesque” is often used imprecisely. But as a way of describing the Japanese justice system, it’s fairly apt. Suspects can be held without charge for as long as 23 days, and they have no right to a lawyer during questioning. Prosecutors also have the power to forbid family visits. When the 23-day period expires, a suspect can be rearrested for another offense, resetting the clock to zero. And once someone has been indicted, the outcome is all but predetermined, leaving defense attorneys to focus on coaching their clients to confess in the least damaging way.
Ghosn spent the weeks after his arrest being interrogated daily, while Kelly was questioned elsewhere in the same facility. After Ghosn’s first indictment, for failing to properly disclose his proposed retirement pay (a seemingly technical issue that carries a penalty of as much as 10 years in prison), he and his lawyers had started making plans on the assumption that he would be granted bail in time for the holidays. According to people familiar with his defense, the preparations were elaborate: Ghosn would be whisked from jail to the French Embassy, then onto a flight to Paris, where Emmanuel Macron’s government had agreed to supervise the accused and ensure his return to Japan for trial.
Instead, he was rearrested less than an hour before the bail hearing, this time for a breach of trust charge relating to his decision, in 2008, to temporarily use Nissan’s balance sheet to provide collateral for personal foreign exchange contracts. (Kelly was released in late December. Barred from leaving Japan before he’s tried for the deferred-pay charges, he recently underwent back surgery near Tokyo.)
While Nissan has said that Ghosn engaged in a wide pattern of unethical behavior, the criminal charges against him pertain only to the foreign exchange transaction and to allegations that he concealed the true scale of his retirement compensation—money he has yet to receive. At trial, his lawyers will likely argue that the proposals for post-retirement payments were only ever that—proposals, subject to negotiation, with no certainty they’d be disbursed or in what amounts. Therefore, they could claim, the proposals shouldn’t be regarded as deferred compensation or income, meaning Ghosn was under no obligation to disclose them.
Ghosn is an atypical defendant, and an atypical verdict—one other than guilty—isn’t out of the question
The second indictment is more complex. During the 2008 financial crisis, with Nissan’s share price and the yen’s value gyrating, the Japanese lender Shinsei Bank Ltd. demanded more collateral from Ghosn to maintain hedging contracts he’d entered to shield his salary from currency fluctuations. Ghosn didn’t have enough in his personal accounts, so he arranged for Nissan to take on the contracts temporarily. Later he took them back, secured by a letter of credit from Khaled Juffali, a Saudi businessman whose family firm later received $14.7 million in payments from Nissan’s CEO Reserve, a source of money the company says Ghosn controlled with little oversight. Ghosn’s representatives maintain that the transaction was properly approved and that Juffali, who owns a car dealership chain, was paid for helping with regional distribution, not for getting Ghosn out of a jam.
Judges in Japan tend to defer to prosecutors when deciding whether to grant bail, and Ghosn’s most recent application for release was denied on Jan. 22. It looks likely he’ll remain locked up until his trial, which has yet to be scheduled. According to a person familiar with the conditions of Ghosn’s detention, he wasn’t permitted to take notes while being interrogated or to keep writing implements in his roughly 75-square-foot cell. Prosecutors were under no obligation to inform his defense team of the evidence against him, so he tried to memorize what they asked him and details from the documents they showed him. That was the only way he could give his lawyers some idea of what they might face at trial.
Despite the long odds against him, Ghosn is an atypical defendant, and an atypical verdict—that is, one other than guilty—isn’t out of the question. Legal vindication wouldn’t be enough, though, to repair his relationship with Nissan. In a brief jailhouse interview on Jan. 30 with Nikkei, Ghosn said he had “no doubt” he was the victim of “plot and treason” by rivals who opposed closer integration with Renault. Nissan’s internal investigation is still going on, according to people there, and has expanded to consider Ghosn’s and other executives’ relationships with dealers, distributors, and other business partners worldwide. Remarkably, given his own involvement in some of the conduct under investigation, Nada is still assisting. At one point after the arrest, someone familiar with Ghosn’s defense says, Nada reached out to Ghosn’s first wife, Rita, to seek information on her ex. (She didn’t return calls from Bloomberg Businessweek seeking comment. Nissan declined to comment.)
Meanwhile, new information about Ghosn’s conduct and spending habits is appearing at frequent intervals in the Japanese and foreign press. Many of the revelations have been awkward for Ghosn, if not necessarily legally damning. (A spokesman for his family declined to comment on them.) Nissan covered the cost of his Rio yacht club membership, and his sister was on the company payroll for more than a decade, performing ill-defined consulting duties in Brazil. And during one of the worst phases of the 2017 inspections crisis, he’d sent an email urging the company to speed up payments to the contractors who’d renovated the Beirut house. The delays, he wrote, were “preoccupying.”
relates to Inside the Takedown That Put Carlos Ghosn in Jail
ILLUSTRATION: WOSHIBAI FOR BLOOMBERG BUSINESSWEEK
There’s never a good time for a company to be consumed by infighting and criminal prosecutions, but this moment is particularly bad for Renault and Nissan. Automotive sales are sluggish in the U.S. and declining in China, and the industry is muddling through an unprecedented upheaval, struggling to manage the transition to electric and autonomous vehicles and the attendant challenges from companies such as Tesla Inc. and Waymo LLC, the self-driving technology arm of Alphabet.
Ghosn was a relatively farsighted advocate of new technologies. He championed the Leaf, the world’s best-selling electric car since Nissan brought it to market in 2010. And his integration plan was predicated on achieving the scale needed to keep pace with traditional rivals and Silicon Valley. Put together, Nissan, Renault, Mitsubishi, and the smaller brands in their confederation make as many cars as any other manufacturer, but virtually no one else in the industry views the fragmented alliance as a real rival to the true global giants, Volkswagen AG and Toyota. Creating a more united front would have been difficult, to say the least; according to people familiar with debates inside the alliance, Ghosn’s earlier efforts to consolidate production produced fierce opposition within Nissan—particularly a series of decisions to assemble Nissan cars at Renault plants in France.
Despite public pressure from Saikawa, Renault declined to fire Ghosn, and he remained the chairman and CEO of record until resigning on Jan. 23. The company has said that an internal investigation of his pay found no evidence of wrongdoing, but that it’s continuing to look into the compensation of Ghosn and his inner circle. And though the arrests have undoubtedly widened divisions between the two companies, Renault and Nissan both say they’re committed to their partnership. Unscrambling 20 years of even imperfect integration would be a monumental task—a sort of corporate Brexit.
Saikawa has said he’ll work to improve governance at Nissan, then look to “pass the baton” once the company has been stabilized. There’s considerable evidence, in the meantime, that he also intends for the Japanese side to gain more control within the alliance. He’s said he wants Nissan to take a more proactive role in decision-making; it might, for example, seek to alter a stipulation that Renault’s leader is automatically head of the alliance. Late last year, according to people familiar with Nissan’s plans, the company also began preparing to move more than $1 billion from its Chinese joint venture back to headquarters. That money could help it buy shares in Renault, at the risk of a major confrontation with the French state, which jealously guards its position as the dominant stakeholder in key companies. (Nissan says that it would be “baseless” to suggest anything unusual was occurring and that it doesn’t intend to use repatriated funds to buy Renault stock.)
Before Nissan moves on from the Ghosn era, it will have to deal with its own legal issues. The company was also indicted on deferred-pay charges relating to Ghosn and could face further legal jeopardy—including in the U.S., where the Securities and Exchange Commission has opened an inquiry into its compensation disclosures. If more trouble ensues, it will be hard to take the spotlight off Saikawa, who was a senior executive and board member throughout the period concerned. The Nissan case, like Ghosn’s, will turn on a simple question: How could a sophisticated global automaker, with battalions of lawyers and auditors and abundant bureaucratic infrastructure, not know what it was paying its chairman?

Before this year, January for Ghosn meant a return to his spiritual home: Davos. Unfailingly, he’d carve out the better part of a week from his map-hopping itinerary to speed-walk from panel discussions to TV interviews to “bilateral” meetings with other winners of the global game. This year his absence was marked mainly by the revelation from France’s finance minister, in an interview at Davos with Bloomberg TV, that Ghosn had resigned from his position with Renault. Otherwise, the forum carried on all but oblivious to Ghosn and the possibility that his was a cautionary tale of disconnection and entitled excess.
Spending much of his time at 30,000 feet, confident that Kelly and others had worked out the details of his ample compensation, Ghosn didn’t notice that some of his closest colleagues in Japan were working to engineer his arrest. At times, he’d been collecting more than twice as much pay as the rest of Nissan’s directors combined, in addition to his other salaries and five company residences. He might simply have been enjoying the spoils of corporate success, as his defenders insist. Or, as Nissan and prosecutors argue, he might have transgressed legal and ethical bounds. Either way, he gave his enemies an opening.
Ghosn’s most recent public appearance was Jan. 8, in a utilitarian hearing room at the Tokyo District Court. A few days earlier his lawyers had used an obscure legal maneuver compelling a judge to justify his continued detention—a long-shot strategy but one that guaranteed their client the opportunity to address a court. Court sketches and reports depicted Ghosn sitting behind a blond wood podium, wearing a dark suit with an open-necked white shirt and flimsy, jail-issued plastic slippers. His hands were cuffed in front of his body, and guards had looped a rope around his waist—standard practice for prisoners appearing in Japanese court. He was thinner than before, and gray was visible at the roots of his hair.
“I have dedicated two decades of my life to reviving Nissan and building the alliance. I worked toward these goals day and night, on the Earth and in the air,” Ghosn said after reading out a series of rebuttals to the charges against him. An interpreter translated for the judge. “I have always acted with integrity and have never been accused of any wrongdoing in my several-decade professional career. I have been wrongly accused and unfairly detained.” He concluded: “Thank you, Your Honor, for listening to me.”
He spoke for about 10 minutes. Soon afterward, guards in blue uniforms led him out of the courtroom to begin the long drive across Tokyo, back to his cell. —With Ruth David and David Welch


Articolo di Bloomberg sulla vicenda Ghosn, è piuttosto lungo ma interessantissimo.


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MessaggioInviato: sab feb 02, 2019 11:09 am 
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Davvero interessante, grazie.
Se Ghosn ha la fibra del combattente vero - e finora lo sta dimostrando - il processo che prima o poi si farà potrebbe essere un'arma a doppio taglio per i "congiurati". L'accenno all'interesse della SEC sulla vicenda mi fa pensare che gli Americani stiano muovendosi non tanto per le vicende oggetto di indagine, di cui gliene può importare una mazza, ma per stendere una rete di protezione pro-futuro ai loro manager che si trovano in Giappone. Il trattamento cui è sottoposto Ghosn deve aver scosso moltissimo l'ambiente, anche se il tutto rimane confinato all'interno dello stesso: chiamiamola pressione preventiva?


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MessaggioInviato: sab feb 02, 2019 1:14 pm 
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Imho probabile, mi ricordo benissimo che i manager di UBS negli Stati Uniti prima della crisi finanziaria del 2008 venivano addirittura scortati dall’ FBI.

In un altro articolo di Bloomberg si paragonava la caduta di Ghosn alla fine del “Davos Man”.
Ghosn può essere preso come esempio perfetto del globalismo: nato in Brasile, cresciuto a Beirut, educato in Francia, e’ il primo manager straniero a risanare con enorme successo un colosso giapponese. È avido e non lo nasconde per niente.
L’articolo fa notare che fino alla crisi del 2008 i movimenti di destra nel mondo occidentale si sperticavano nelle lodi del libero mercato, della concorrenza, del laissez varie senza regole. Questi stessi uomini politici (o versioni da loro discendenti) hanno scoperto e cavalcato un isolazionismo rancoroso e populista con grande successo. Adesso è il capitale ad essere il nemico (da cui erano e sono foraggiati alla grande), loro sono vicini alle istanze del popolo contro le elite. Eppure Trump taglia massicciamente le tasse alle aziende, questo gonfia i bilanci e le quotazioni di borsa e allo stesso tempo fa esplodere il deficit. I repubblicani si dicono pronti a tagliare massicciamente i programmi assistenziali danneggiando così coloro che li hanno eletti.
Orban dichiara guerra agli immigrati (già me la vedo la folla di gente che vuole vivere in Ungheria, miliardi di persone) sostenendo che non toccheranno mai il sacro suolo Cristiano della patria. Spara a zero sugli ex comunisti accusandoli di collaborazionismo col grande capitale eppure ha appena fatto approvare una legge draconiana sugli straordinari che guarda caso risponde in pieno alle richieste di Daimler, Vw e Suzuki che sono a corto di manodopera locale. Stranamente dopo che è passata la legge BMW ha deciso di aprire una fabbrica in loco.
Bolsonaro e’ prontissimo a dare fuoco all’ Amazzonia, chissà chi se ne avvantaggerà.
Il sospetto è che una certa quota di liberisti abbia deciso che non era più il caso di investire in politici moderati, è meglio sostenere chi a parole li odia ma comunque a loro ubbidisce.


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MessaggioInviato: sab feb 02, 2019 3:38 pm 
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daimlerchrysler ha scritto:
Il sospetto è che una certa quota di liberisti abbia deciso che non era più il caso di investire in politici moderati, è meglio sostenere chi a parole li odia ma comunque a loro ubbidisce.
Ho autocensurato un mio commento. Comunque sì, condivido


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 9:23 am 
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Se non ho capito Mahler, Nissan a causa dei timori della brexit, sta spostando la produzione del nuovo X-qualcosa dallo stabilimento di Sunderland al Giappone.

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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 9:59 am 
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Il Basso di Genova ha scritto:
Se non ho capito Mahler, Nissan a causa dei timori della brexit, sta spostando la produzione del nuovo X-qualcosa dallo stabilimento di Sunderland al Giappone.


Già, perchè il Giappone è dietro l'angolo e fa parte della comunità europea :D

(in realtà ci credo che la motivazione ufficiale sia quella che hai scritto; sarebbe interessante sapere la motivazione reale)


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 10:03 am 
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È semplice, se Nissan non ha la certezza di un accordo senza dazi e soprattutto senza limiti di scambio (frictionless trade) tra EU e Gran Bretagna preferisce produrre la X-Trail (modello non di grossi volumi) in Giappone. I politici cosiddetti Brexiteers avevano promesso scambi senza problemi e miliardi di investimenti nella sanità pubblica. Due palle sesquipedali.


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 10:12 am 
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Ma i dazi ci sono anche dal Giappone, senza contare i costi di trasporto
Secondo me, ipotizzo, si tratta semplicemente di contributi, più che di dazi. Oppure, come dici tu, l'X trial non ha più volumi produttivi sufficienti a giustificarne la produzione in Inghilterra, dazi o non dazi, ed ahnno preso la palla al balzo con una scusa per non inimicarsi i sindacati. Tutto questo a prescindere dalle palle varie che citi e che sono legittime


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 10:15 am 
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https://www.google.de/amp/s/www.ilpost. ... ppone/amp/

Non ci sono più


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 11:06 am 
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L'eliminazione è progressiva, ci vorranno circa 8 anni per eliminarli; fermo restando che, in quel lasso di tempo, anche l'Inghilterra potrebbe raggiungere un accordo simile con l'UE


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 11:25 am 
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In un settore dove i margini sono già molto bassi la pianificazione è fondamentale, non si può chiedere ad un'azienda di investire col rischio che le mutate condizioni economiche radano al suolo la redditività di un progetto. Gli investimenti nel settore automotive in Gran Bretagna sono scesi del 50% dalla Brexit.


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 2:08 pm 
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Su questo sono d'accordo. Quello che intendevo è che dubito sia più conveniente spostare la produzione di un modello di relativamente pochi numeri dalla Gb al Giappone, considerando i costi di trasporto, di approntamento delle linee e di modifica della logistica, alla luce del fatto che non è detto che vi saranno dazi tra Gb ed Europa***. Su modelli da alti numeri di produzione è sicuramente come dici tu

*** manco a farlo apposta ne parlavano poco fa a radio24, affermando, caso x trail ormai deciso a parte, che le considerazioni che stiamo facendo varrebbero in caso di no deal. Vedremo


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 2:11 pm 
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I sudditi di sua maestà prenderanno uno schiaffo di quelli storici..


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 2:14 pm 
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Alla fine vedrai che faranno tutti gli accordi del caso; il mercato inglese serve anche all'Europa, e viceversa.


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MessaggioInviato: lun feb 04, 2019 2:19 pm 
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In ogni caso la tocccano pianissimo.....

https://www.politico.eu/article/queen-e ... ad-brexit/

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MessaggioInviato: ven feb 08, 2019 11:28 am 
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https://www.carscoops.com/2019/02/renau ... h-wedding/

Ah, il caro vecchio Ancien Regime..... :piangi2

Renault ha scoperto di aver pagato a propria insaputa 50.000 euro per il matrimonio di Ghosn nel 2008. Per il suo secondo matrimonio Ghosn aveva scelto il Trianon (piccolo palazzo all'interno di Versailles fatto edificare da Maria Antonietta per avere un'aria più bucolica, tutto torna :briaco ).
Renault ha sponsorizzato il rinnovo di alcune sale di Versailles, in cambio l'azienda poteva utilizzare alcune strutture del castello per propri eventi. Per il matrimonio di Ghosn sono stati attribuiti alla Renault 50.000 euro di costi. L'avvocato del manager ha dichiarato che il suo cliente era all'oscuro del costo.


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MessaggioInviato: mar mar 05, 2019 5:11 pm 
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The Tokyo District Court has approved bail for indicted former Renault-Nissan Chairman Carlos Ghosn, who has been held in detention since his Nov. 19 arrest in Japan.

The decision came Tuesday in Japan, following the third attempt to win release of the 64-year-old Ghosn after 107 days in detention. The court set bail at 1 billion yen ($8.9 million) and attached strict conditions, including limited Internet access and ubiquitous video surveillance.

It was unclear when Ghosn might walk free.

The Tokyo District Prosecutor’s Office, as expected, appealed the decision within hours. But the appeals court announced shortly after 11 p.m. local time that it had rejected the appeal.

In a statement emailed on Tuesday, Ghosn said: “I am extremely grateful for my family and friends who have stood by me throughout this terrible ordeal. I am also grateful to the NGOs and human rights activists in Japan and around the world who fight for the cause of presumption of innocence and a fair trial. I am innocent and totally committed to vigorously defending myself in a fair trial against these meritless and unsubstantiated accusations.”

In a last-ditch effort to keep Ghosn incarcerated ahead of his trial, prosecutors may still try to arrest him on a new charge. But Ghosn’s lawyer aims to go ahead with paying bail as soon as Wednesday, noting that Ghosn was unable to transfer the funds during business hours Tuesday.

To get his bail application approved, Ghosn agreed to stay in Japan, have cameras set up in his house and not contact people outside. His lawyer, Junichiro Hironaka, told the Nikkei newspaper that Ghosn would have to stay at the lawyer’s office during the day and have access to only an old-style mobile phone that can make and receive calls, not surf the web or send email.

“Ghosn looked unhappy about the bail conditions,” Hironaka said, noting that the former high-flying auto executive, if freed, would be able to use computers only at his office.

He will, however, be allowed to attend board meetings at Nissan, Mitsubishi and Renault, if he obtains permission from the court, Hironaka said, the Nikkei reported. Ghosn remains a director at the companies, although Nissan will ask shareholders to remove him.

Ghosn switched lawyers late last month after his first legal team failed in two attempts to win bail. The court had refused bail, citing concerns about flight and evidence tampering.

The new lawyers reapplied for bail last week. In a Monday news conference, Hironaka said the new bail application offered stricter conditions, such as limitations on his exchange of information with other people and implementing a camera surveillance system.

After approving bail, the Tokyo District Court outlined the conditions for Ghosn’s release, including a restriction on overseas travel and a requirement to reside in Japan. It also said there were other conditions to prevent flight and the destruction of evidence, without giving details.

Hironaka -- nicknamed "The Razor" for his record of high-profile acquittals -- expressed optimism that Ghosn would be released “in the near future” so he could prepare for trial.

He said he presented new arguments for why there is no danger of Ghosn fleeing Japan or tampering with evidence. “We will be going forward with a new legal strategy,” he said.

“I’m now 73 years old, but I want to test how sharp The Razor still is,” Hironaka said.

In a January jailhouse interview with French media, Ghosn complained that his confinement severely handicapped his ability to mount a defense and prepare for trial.

Hironaka has said trial could still be months away -- possibly beginning after the summer -- raising the prospect of many more months in jail, if Ghosn were unable to win bail.

Ghosn faces three indictments on allegations of financial misconduct at Nissan and is entering a fourth month in a Tokyo jail following his Nov. 19 arrest.

Ghosn denies all charges. If found guilty, he faces up to 10 years in prison.

Mounting pressure

Approval of Ghosn’s bail comes amid mounting international pressure on Japan and criticism of judicial practices many say are out of step with international norms.

Before indictment, suspects can be held for weeks without charge and subjected to lengthy interrogation by prosecutors in the absence of their attorneys.

The high bar for bail is seen as pressuring confessions from those who maintain their innocence.

Hironaka slammed Japan’s system as one of “hostage justice” and said the country’s handling of Ghosn’s case would affect Japan’s standing in the court of international opinion.

Ghosn's French lawyers also submitted a dossier to the United Nations' human rights office in Geneva that they say shows Ghosn's rights had been violated during detention in Japan.

Ghosn’s co-defendant, Greg Kelly, was released on bail Dec. 25. An American director at Nissan, Kelly is accused of helping Ghosn falsify company financial filings to hide some $80 million in deferred compensation. Kelly, who is restricted from leaving Japan, also denies the charges.

Ghosn faces a separate indictment for breach of trust. That charge alleges he temporarily shifting ¥1.85 billion ($16.5 million) in personal swap contract losses to Nissan and having Nissan pay $14.7 million to a business associate who allegedly helped Ghosn handle the red ink.

In the first interview after his arrest, Ghosn told the Nikkei in January that he had “no doubt” his arrest was the result of “plot and treason” by Nissan executives opposed to his plan to merge Nissan and Renault. He said he planned to combine them in a 50-50 holding company.

Nissan CEO Hiroto Saikawa, in a separate interview last week with Shukan Bunshun, acknowledged there was mounting resistance inside Nissan to Ghosn’s overtures about merging the management of the two companies.

Ghosn began raising the idea in February 2018, Saikawa said. Even though Saikawa repeatedly objected to the proposal, Ghosn and Kelly continued to push for it.

Nissan resistance

But Saikawa said his own resistance to any management integration between Renault and Nissan had nothing to do with the charges of financial malfeasance leveled against Ghosn.

That investigation, he said, had begun separately in early 2018, without Saikawa’s knowledge. Saikawa said he learned about the allegations only in October, a month before Ghosn’s arrest.

“The arrest and clash of opinions over management integration are two separate things,” he said. “When I was first notified of this fraud, the internal investigation was already underway. Most of his misconduct is serious enough to warrant immediate dismissal for an ordinary executive. The arrest is entirely a different dimension from talk of management integration.”

Nissan spokesman Nicholas Maxfield said the company could not comment on the court’s decision but reiterated the Nissan’s allegations of malfeasance against Ghosn.

“The sole cause of this chain of events is the misconduct led by Ghosn and Kelly,” he said. “Aside from any criminal investigation, Nissan's internal investigation has uncovered substantial evidence of blatantly unethical conduct, resulting in a unanimous board vote to discharge Ghosn and Kelly as chairman and representative director.”

Nissan says it has uncovered further misconduct by Ghosn since November. It maintains that its current focus is on improving corporate governance to prevent repeated misconduct.

Ghosn verrà scarcerato mercoledì per la modica cifra di 9 milioni di dollari. Le sue libertà saranno ristrette, ad esempio potrà utilizzare internet solo per alcune ore, dovrà portare una braccialetto elettronico e risiedere in una residenza videosorvegliata.
La cauzione permetterà a Ghosn di iniziare a preparare la propria difesa, fino ad adesso il suo scambio con gli avvocati era limitatissimo. Questo nuovo avvocato giapponese è veramente uno squalo, vediamo se riuscirà nel miracolo di farlo assolvere. Date le peculiarità del sistema giudiziario giapponese e i legami tra Nissan e il governo nipponico ciò mi sembra molto improbabile.


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MessaggioInviato: ven mar 08, 2019 2:36 pm 
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March 08, 2019 06:09 AM2 HOURS AGO

Nissan CEO plans to stay longer than suggested, report says

KAE INOUE and MA JIE

Bloomberg

 TWEET SHAREMORE

Bloomberg

Regardless of Saikawa’s plans, there’s no guarantee he will stay on as Nissan CEO role if the company’s performance takes a serious hit from the Ghosn scandal or there is some unforeseen legal exposure for the automaker.

Nissan CEO Hiroto Saikawa, who replaced ousted Carlos Ghosn and publicly accused him of financial misconduct, has said he has no intention of resigning anytime soon, despite signaling in January he would step down shortly, according to people familiar with the matter.

Saikawa told executives during an internal meeting he plans to stay at least three more years to help the automaker recover from the aftermath of the Ghosn scandal, one of the people said, asking not to be named discussing a private matter.

Nissan’s top executive made the comments about the length of his tenure to senior executives, soon after indicating at a Jan. 24 press conference that he’d give up the top job “as soon as possible,” according to the person.

A Nissan spokesman, Nicholas Maxfield, declined to comment beyond what Saikawa said at that press conference.

Regardless of Saikawa’s plans, there’s no guarantee he will stay on in the CEO role if the company’s performance takes a serious hit from the Ghosn scandal or there is some unforeseen legal exposure for the company.

However, cementing Saikawa’s position as the long-term head of Nissan could make it harder for France’s Renault SA to push for deeper ties with its Japanese partner. While Ghosn ran the boards of both Renault and Nissan, and was working toward combining the companies until his arrest, Saikawa has spoken strongly against a merger and has emerged as a defender of Japanese interests.

When Ghosn appointed Saikawa CEO in 2017, the former chairman said he had been grooming the Japanese executive for many years. Yet tensions emerged after an inspection scandal forced Nissan to recall a million vehicles and shut down Japanese production for two weeks. Ghosn criticized Saikawa, 65, for moving too slowly to address the crisis and implement an action plan, people familiar with the matter have said.

After Ghosn’s arrest, Saikawa condemned the alleged criminal behavior, calling it “the dark side of Ghosn’s long reign.” Ghosn subsequently blamed a conspiracy inside Nissan to oust him.

The time frame given by Saikawa for staying dovetails with the end of Nissan’s “M.O.V.E to 2022’’ mid-term strategy. That six-year plan intends to boost revenue to 16.5 trillion yen ($148.6 billion) and operating margin to 8 percent.

At the January press conference, Saikawa said he would “pass the baton’’ to new leaders “as soon as possible’’ after overhauling Nissan’s corporate governance rules. He said that was his responsibility after Ghosn’s Nov. 19 arrest for alleged financial crimes.

Ghosn denies the charges and was freed on bail March 6. His trial isn’t expected to start until at least later this year.


Ma guarda che caso strano :vomito2 , Saikawa vuole rimanere altri tre anni alla guida di Nissan. Stranamente Ghosn lo stava per mandare a casa prima dell' arresto. Il suo contratto scade a fine 2019. Ma che casualità.


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MessaggioInviato: ven mar 08, 2019 2:43 pm 
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Ma Ghosn non può fuggire dai domiciliari e imbarcarsi su un Savoia Marchetti alla volta della Corea del Nord ? :ridi

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MessaggioInviato: mar mar 12, 2019 4:29 pm 
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Infiniti is pulling out of Western Europe after Nissan’s premium arm was no longer considered a viable business here.

Production of the firm’s two UK-built models, the Q30 and QX30, will end at Nissan’s Sunderland plant in July. The company will cease all European operations from early 2020.

The move is part of a wider global restructuring plan for Infiniti. It will shift its focus to North America and China, and continue its smaller operations in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.

Infiniti launched in Europe and the UK in 2008, but it has never taken off here. The company has just 60,000 customers in Europe, 10,000 of which are in the UK.

The company cites no sustainable way of investing in the kind of technology needed to reduce its fleet emissions in Europe as the chief reason for the move. Like all other car makers Infiniti will have to invest heavily in electrification in order to reduce its fleet emissions, which are mandated at an average of 95g/km of CO2 in Europe from next year.

With the vast R&D sums needed to be invested in electrified technology, and a lack of buyers to help fund the development, the decision has been taken not to invest in the brand in Europe to meet the stricter European targets.

A spokesman said that the targets could be met by Infiniti, like any other car maker, with investment in electrified technology, but there was no viable way of the company to do so.

The early axing of the Q30 and QX30 from Sunderland, which were never big sellers but have been hit further by the drop in demand from diesel, would leave Infiniti with only the Q50 saloon as the sole model in its range.

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Instead, the company will focus on producing more SUV models for China and North America.

Some 250 people work on production of Infiniti models in Sunderland, out of a total of around 7000. Nissan is hoping to redeploy Infiniti staff as much as possible across Europe.

Its dealers will stay open until early next year to work through a transition, and during this period Infiniti will work on a plan to ensure that customers are still looked after in the future for servicing, warranty, aftersales and recall work.

Infiniti abbandonerà il mercato europeo, non proprio, una sorpresa.


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MessaggioInviato: mar mar 12, 2019 4:34 pm 
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Carlos Ghosn sought and failed to join a board meeting at Nissan Motor Co. that could change the course of its three-way alliance with Renault SA and Mitsubishi Motors Corp.

The automakers are planning to form a single board for the alliance that will oversee its governance and operations, Renault said in a statement, confirming earlier media reports. The three companies have scheduled a joint press conference at Nissan’s headquarters in Yokohama on Tuesday afternoon.

Carlos Ghosn Leaves Prison on Bail After 108 Days of Detention
Carlos Ghosn leaves his lawyer’s office on March 6.Photographer: Takaaki Iwabu/Bloomberg
As architect of the structure and former chairman of all three companies, Ghosn was seeking to join Nissan’s meeting Tuesday to explain himself personally to fellow directors.
But the Tokyo District Court rejected his request, saying it would violate terms of his bail forbidding him from contacting people involved in the charges against him for allegedly falsifying financial records and breach of trust. Given the extent to which the alliance is working to overhaul its structure without Ghosn, his presence wouldn’t have made much of a difference, said Janet Lewis, an analyst for Macquarie Capital Securities (Japan) Ltd. in Tokyo.

“I don’t see how turning up at Nissan’s board meeting is going to change anything,” Lewis said. “The alliance is working on how to improve its governance and how the new Renault leadership team can best work with Nissan and Mitsubishi. The Ghosn court case is a sideshow that should not impact the future direction of the alliance.”

At Tuesday’s meeting, Nissan’s directors will discuss replacing two separate Amsterdam-based alliance entities, Renault-Nissan BV and Nissan-Mitsubishi BV, people familiar with the matter said, asking not to be identified because the information isn’t public.

The new plan for the alliance is aimed at fostering more balanced decision-making represented by Renault Chairman Jean-Dominique Senard, Nissan Chief Executive Officer Hiroto Saikawa and Mitsubishi Motors CEO Osamu Masuko. Senard will probably chair the new committee, one of the people said.

Renault SA Board Appoint New Leadership as Chairman Ghosn Resigns
Jean-Dominique Senard, left, and Thierry Bollore.Photographer: Marlene Awaad/Bloomberg
Spokesmen for Nissan and Mitsubishi declined to comment on the reported new structure.

The current organization for the alliance is considered outdated and obscure in its functions, with the carmakers’ own investigations having found that Ghosn funneled money from the Dutch units. Ghosn has said the claims of improper payments were a “distortion of reality.”

Read more about the Dutch venture and its relationship to Nissan and Ghosn.

With the start of Ghosn’s trial still months away and the drama of his sensational release from jail last week subsiding, focus is shifting back to the fate of Nissan and how the auto executive will deploy his hard-won freedom, even if under strict bail terms.

As Nissan’s CEO, Ghosn actively engaged with the press and probably will seek to make the case for his innocence in interviews and possibly a news conference as soon as this week. He already gave several jailhouse interviews to Japanese and French media.

Ghosn has kept a low profile since exiting a Tokyo detention center on March 6 disguised as a construction worker. Japan’s media reported on Ghosn sightings around Tokyo, but he has yet to give an interview or speak directly to the press since his release. Instead, he’s relying on an “All-Star” team of lawyers to communicate with the public as they prepare his defense.

Carlos Ghosn's New Lawyer Junichiro Hironaka Holds News Conference
Junichiro HironakaPhotographer: Kiyoshi Ota/Bloomberg
Junichiro Hironaka, Ghosn’s lead attorney, said the car titan agreed to “severe” bail conditions -- including staying in Japan, paying 1 billion yen in bail ($9 million), having cameras installed at the entrance and exit of his home, restrictions to using his mobile phone and having no access to the internet. Ghosn, as well as Greg Kelly, another Nissan executive arrested in the case, aren’t allowed to contact those involved with the investigations at Nissan, Renault and other entities.

Although Ghosn was stripped of his titles, he remains a director at Nissan and Renault. A meeting of Nissan shareholders set for April 8 will vote on whether to remove him from the board.

The bigger question is whether a planned merger between Nissan, Renault and Mitsubishi will happen. Although Nissan is said to have sought a review of the pact’s lopsided power structure that favored Renault, the two have pledged their allegiance to each other with plans to extend a two-decade accord.

“Now that Ghosn’s influential leadership is gone, there’s a risk that each party will become more sharply focused on their self-interests,” said Tatsuo Yoshida, an analyst at Sawakami Asset Management. “They need to have a structure where decisions are made transparently.”


Renault, Nissan e Mitsubishi hanno annunciato una nuova struttura di governance della holding che presiede all’ alleanza. Renault ha dato un contentino a Nissan e non imporrà un proprio presidente nel’ azienda giapponese. I legami azionari rimangono a favore dei francesi che continueranno a comandare. Almeno di facciata non si parla più di una rottura dell’ alleanza ne’ di una fusione.


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MessaggioInviato: mer mar 13, 2019 4:54 pm 
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https://www.alvolante.it/news/infiniti-dice-addio-all-europa-2020-362091

Nel frattempo noi europei salutiamo l'Infiniti (6mila unità vendute lo scorso anno).

Grazie a Dio non abbiamo preso la Q30 al posto della V40 :ridi


Scherzi a parte, quando il mio amico ci lavorava ho provato praticamente tutta la gamma.
Non erano affatto brutte auto, alla fine.. solo estremamente costose, troppo, e non adatte a noi (io sul Q70 vado in brodo di giuggiole, ciccione come sono, ma non si può certo definirla un'auto adatta ai gusti degli europei... venduta, poi, col vecchio 2.2. Mercedes)...


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MessaggioInviato: mer mar 13, 2019 5:31 pm 
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Località: Ovunque ci sia una birra ghiacciata
A me il suv grosso è sempre piaciuto un sacco, come linea. Peccato


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MessaggioInviato: mer mar 27, 2019 7:59 am 
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he lowdown on European markets? In your inbox before the open, every day. Sign up here.

Renault SA is seeking to restart merger talks with Nissan Motor Co. within 12 months as the first step toward the creation of a bigger auto conglomerate that will involve a bid by both companies for Fiat Chrysler Automobiles NV, the Financial Times reported.

The creation of a new alliance board led by Renault chairman Jean-Dominique Senard has improved confidence that the two sides can push ahead with merger plans, the newspaper reported Wednesday, citing unidentified people familiar with both sides’ thinking.

Jean-Dominique Senard and Hiroto Saikawa.

Photographer: Akio Kon/Bloomberg

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A combination of Renault, Nissan, Fiat and Chrysler would create an automaker that could better compete against global competitors such as Volkswagen AG and Toyota Motor Corp. Carlos Ghosn, the former chairman of Renault and Nissan who was arrested in Tokyo in November on charges of financial wrongdoing, had held talks about merging Renault with Fiat Chrysler two to three years ago, the Financial Times reported, citing two unidentified sources. Ghosn’s proposal was stopped by the French government, the newspaper said.

Ghosn, who is free on bail pending his trial, has denied the charges against him.

Carlos Ghosn

Photographer: Takaaki Iwabu/Bloomberg

Fiat Chrysler itself is seeking a partnership or merger, and Chairman John Elkann has met with other rivals including France’s Peugeot SA to gauge the possibility of a deal, the newspaper reported.

Spokesmen for Renault and Nissan declined to comment on the report. Representatives for Fiat Chrysler didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment outside regular business hours in Europe.

Before his arrest, Ghosn had planned to cement the alliance of Nissan and Renault in a full merger. Still, such a move faced resistance from within Nissan, including from Chief Executive Officer Hiroto Saikawa. Instead of a deeper capital tieup, Nissan has sought to improve the Japanese bargaining position in a partnership it has said has for too long favored the French side.

The Renault-Nissan alliance has often been cited as an example of a successful combination that didn’t go as far as a merger, underpinned by cross-shareholdings and cost cutting. Yet the partnership has been strained by the scandal surrounding Ghosn, with insiders from both sides saying trust between the two teams has degraded since the executive was jailed and ousted as chairman of both Nissan and Renault.

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Still, this month the partnership agreed to a new governance structure designed to streamline operational decisions, with Senard placed as the chairman of the alliance.

Read More: Nissan Moves Past Ghosn Era That Concentrated Power With Him

Renault, which owns 43 percent of Nissan, has a market capitalization of about 16.8 billion euros ($18.9 billion). Nissan’s market value is about $35 billion, while Fiat Chrysler’s market cap is about $23 billion

Ambiziosetti questi francesi. Senard non solo vuole portare a casa la fusione con Nissan (idea che a Ghosn è costata molto cara) ma vuole scalare anche FCA. Secondo il ft già nel 2016 Ghosn aveva un piano per acquisire FCA ma fu bloccato dal governo francese. Secondo il quotidiano britannico FCA è attivamente alla ricerca di partner. Tutti la vogliono, qualcuno se la prenderà?


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MessaggioInviato: mer apr 03, 2019 10:51 am 
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Carlos Ghosn has taken to Twitter, writing in his first post he will "tell the truth about what's happening" at an April 11 news conference, amid reports Japanese prosecutors may level fresh charges against the ousted chairman of Renault, Nissan and Mitsubishi.

Ghosn's short Tweet in English came on Wednesday and was followed by a Japanese translation.

"I'm getting ready to tell the truth about what's happening. Press conference on Thursday, April 11," wrote Ghosn, who awaiting trial on charges of financial misconduct during his time at Nissan.
The Twitter profile photo shows the ever-dapper Ghosn in a blue blazer, proudly showing the graying locks he has sported since being released on bail. The banner picture is Ghosn overlooking a park with a traditional Japanese tile-roofed building poking between the trees.
Ghosn's biography box reads: "Father, Husband, Former Chairman and CEO of Nissan Motors, Renault, Former Chairman of Mitsubishi Motors, Former Chairman and CEO of the Alliance."

Ghosn did not offer details about the upcoming news conference, and his lawyers were not immediately available for comment. They earlier said he expected to face the public soon.

Ghosn's outreach comes as Japanese media report prosecutors are considering a new case against Ghosn, this time over payments Nissan allegedly made to a business partner in Oman.

Prosecutors are discussing the move and are expected to decide soon on whether to press further charges, according to Japan's Yomiuri newspaper and national broadcaster NHK.
The new probe focuses on results of an internal Nissan investigation that found Ghosn approved payments of $35 million from Nissan to a distributor in Oman between 2011-2018.

The disbursements went to Suhail Bahwan Automobiles, which is run by billionaire Suhail Bahwan, a friend of Ghosn's, according to someone familiar with the matter.


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The company distributes Nissan vehicles in the region.
Nissan's probe found some evidence suggesting Suhail Bahwan Automobiles may have supported Ghosn's purchase of a yacht and helped finance a company owned by Ghosn's son.

Reuters reported earlier this week that Renault had alerted French prosecutors after uncovering suspect payments to a Renault-Nissan business partner in Oman while Ghosn was chief executive of the French automaker.

It quoted a Ghosn spokesman at the time as saying some $32 million were rewards for the Oman firm being a top Nissan dealer. Such dealer incentives were not directed by Ghosn and the funds were not used to pay any personal debt, the spokesman said.

Another indictment would add to the legal jeopardy faced by Ghosn, 65.

Prosecutors have slapped Ghosn with three indictments, two for allegedly misreporting tens of millions of dollars in deferred compensation and a third concerning alleged breach of trust.

Following his Nov. 19 arrest, Ghosn spent 108 days in detention before being released on bail. Ghosn denies any wrongdoing. He faces up to 15 years in prison if found guilty.

In the first two indictments, Ghosn is charged with falsifying company financial filings to hide some $80 million in deferred compensation.
Ghosn's breach-of-trust charge alleges that he temporarily shifting 1.85 billion yen ($16.5 million) in personal swap contract losses to Nissan and had Nissan pay $14.7 million out of the CEO Reserve to a business associate who allegedly helped Ghosn handle the red ink.

Nissan plans to hold an extraordinary shareholder meeting on April 8 to remove from the board Ghosn and Greg Kelly, the American director who was indicted as his alleged conspirator.

Ghosn was removed as chairman shortly after his arrest, and both men were stripped of their roles as representative directors, with special rights to sign financial agreements on behalf of the company. But only shareholders can vote them off the board.

L’ undici aprile Carlos Ghosn sarà di fronte ai giornalisti per una conferenza stampa, per la prima volta potrà dare conto della propria versione dei fatti. Intanto ci sono nuove accuse portare da Nissan nei confronti dell’ex ceo riguardanti incentivi pari a 32 milioni di euro nei confronti di una rete di concessionari in Oman (accuse molto simili sono state formulate riguardo ad accordi in India e Emirati Arabi Uniti). L’azionsta di questo gruppo avrebbe poi passato delle tangenti a Ghosn.


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MessaggioInviato: gio apr 04, 2019 9:30 am 
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TOKYO -- The drama surrounding fallen auto executive Carlos Ghosn erupted again, with Japanese prosecutors rearresting him on fresh allegations that he used millions of dollars from Nissan for his own purposes.

Authorities detained Ghosn early on Thursday on suspicion of aggravated breach of trust, using company money funneled through an intermediary for personal purposes, prosecutors said in a statement.

They are the most serious charges yet against Ghosn, who had been free on bail for less than a month. Prosecutors showed up at Ghosn's Tokyo apartment shortly before 6 a.m. local time, and a vehicle with covered windows left about an hour later.

"My arrest this morning is outrageous and arbitrary," Ghosn said in a statement emailed by a U.S.-based spokesman . "It is part of another attempt by some individuals at Nissan to silence me by misleading the prosecutors. Why arrest me except to try to break me? I will not be broken."

In an interview aired on Thursday with French TV stations TF1 and LCI, Ghosn reiterated that he was innocent and called on the French government to defend him. "I am keeping up my combat, I am innocent. It's hard, I have to admit it, and I call on the French government to defend me, and to defend my rights as a citizen," Ghosn said.

The latest arrest comes a day after the former chairman of Nissan, Renault and Mitsubishi Motors announced he would hold a tell-all press conference next week.

Renault and Nissan uncovered payments made under Ghosn that allegedly went toward corporate jets, a yacht and his son's startup, leading Renault to alert authorities about potential wrongdoing, people familiar with the matter have said. On Wednesday, Renault said Ghosn had made questionable payments to a distributor in the Middle East and an outside lawyer. Some expenses "involve questionable and concealed practices and violations of the group’s ethical principles," Renault said.


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Another lengthy stay in prison could make it harder for Ghosn to prepare for his trial on charges of financial misconduct, and refocus international attention on Japan’s criminal justice system.

Ghosn, who was first arrested Nov. 19 and jailed for more than 100 days, has vigorously denied accusations of transferring personal trading losses to the automaker and under-reporting his income.

His new arrest on Thursday came just as he was preparing to tell his side of the story. Ghosn had tweeted Wednesday that he planned to hold a news conference on April 11 to "tell the truth" about accusations against him.

"The way the prosecutors took him to question and rearrest was a bit rough," said Koji Endo, an analyst at SBI Securities. "The rearrest seems like they wanted to block the news conference."

Middle East payments

The Oman-related transactions were revealed in probes and amounted to millions of euros to companies in Oman and Lebanon that may have then been used for the personal benefit of Ghosn and his family, said the people, who asked not to be identified because the details are not public. Japanese prosecutors accused Ghosn of taking $15 million in three incidents beginning in 2015.

Investigations into the dealings started after Ghosn’s arrest in November in Tokyo.

The payments in Oman were to Suhail Bahwan Automobiles, which is Nissan’s exclusive distributor in the sultanate, people with knowledge of the matter have said. The automaker first flagged the payments to Renault along with discounts on vehicles to Oman dealerships that the Japanese company suspected as being inflated, according to one of the people.

Other expenses of several million euros by RNBV, the Amsterdam-based company overseeing a partnership with Nissan, also raise concerns, Renault said. The latest findings may lead to legal action in France, after earlier transactions were brought to authorities, the company said.

A Paris-based spokeswoman for the Ghosn family denied any wrongdoing by Ghosn and said reports of Oman payments, use of the airplanes and the startup are part of a smear campaign to make the former executive look greedy.

Nissan declined to comment on the arrest, issuing its usual response regarding Ghosn. "Nissan's internal investigation has uncovered substantial evidence of blatantly unethical conduct," Nicholas Maxfield, a spokesman for the Yokohama-based automaker, wrote in an emailed statement. "Further discoveries related to Ghosn’s misconduct continue to emerge."

Junichiro Hironaka, Ghosn’s lawyer, told reporters that the rearrest on Thursday was "extremely inappropriate." He said he has not discussed the reported Oman payments with his client.

Under the Japanese legal process, prosecutors have 48 hours to detain suspects, after which they can make a 10-day detention request. That can be extended another 10 days by filing a second request to the court. Those procedures, along with additional arrests, can keep suspects in detention for months at a time.

"I am determined that the truth will come out," Ghosn said in his statement. "I am confident that if tried fairly, I will be vindicated."

Ghosn's November arrest destabilized a three-way alliance between Nissan, Renault and Mitsubishi. Then last month, the automakers announced a new governance structure designed for smoother and more equitable decision-making. Another re-arrest is unlikely to impact the automakers, but could put Nissan and Renault under closer scrutiny, because of their involvement in the payments.

Perché guardarsi Beautiful quando c’è la soap opera di Ghosn? L’ex capo di RNM è stato riarrestato con nuove accuse. Stranamente doveva tenere una conferenza l’11 aprile. :?
Se finora tutte le accuse provenivano da Nissan adesso anche Renault sta scoprendo delle irregolarità, l’azienda francese ha dovuto denunciare gravi opacità nel controllo dei conti della holding olandese. Chissà cosa avrebbe detto Ghosn in quella conferenza.


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